Electoral College Proposal Essay -- Papers Government Politics Electio

Appointive College Proposal Envision for a second that a youngster has been buckling down the entire day on his own ranch. He is the run of the mill dedicated, working class American, similar to Americans today. Ordinarily this youngster places in a decent twelve hours worth of work, yet on this especially extraordinary day, he soothes himself early. It is Election Day. He sees himself as enthusiastic and pays attention right up 'til the present time very. He makes his choice and gets back home without a moment to spare to fold his child into bed. He rests adequately as the night progressed, realizing that he has assisted with molding the nation he adores so beyond a reasonable doubt. The following day, he discovers that the man he decided in favor of isn't his new Commander in Chief. This man isn't regularly a bad sport, however in this specific occasion, he is angry. The man he had decided in favor of got most of the famous vote, yet had not been chosen as President by the Electoral College. We ought to corre ct Article II, Section 1, the bit of the Constitution that requires the Electoral College, in light of the fact that the current arrangement of presidential races doesn't really speak to the desire of the individuals. With the entirety of the issues encompassing our country?s latest political race, it is anything but difficult to perceive that something isn't directly with our present arrangement of presidential decisions. On the off chance that this arrangement of races is defective and should be changed, at that point for what reason was it at any point executed in any case? Our establishing fathers actualized this framework for a few reasons, essentially to forestall ?the majority? (Parkinson) from choosing somebody whom the informed political pioneers didn't believe was best for the country. Dumbauld says that in 1787, the time of the Constitutional Convention, there was dread that a remote force could advance a... ...s ?spoke to of the individuals, by the individuals, and for the individuals.? In the event that we, the individuals, don't concur with something in the administration, it is our privilege and duty, to make a move. Talk or compose a letter to the area?s congressmen. They are required to tune in. Keep in mind, in a genuinely vote based society, each voice is heard and each voice tallies. List of sources: Scourge, Chudacoff, Escott, Katzman, Norton, Patterson, and Tuttle. Since 1865. New York: Houghtom Mifflin, 1998. Vol. 2 A People and a Nation. 2 vols. 1998. Dumbauld, Edward. The Constitution of the United States. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1964. Hamilton, Alexander. Enemies of Federalists versus Federalists: Union as a Barrier to Faction and Rebellion. 1788. Ed. J. D. Lewis. San Francisco: 124 Spear Street, 1967. Parkinson, Thomas J. Individual meeting. 23 Nov. 2000

Designing an Automatic Air Freshener Robot :: Robotics

The Automatic Air Freshener Our undertaking thought is to make a programmed deodorizer robot. This robot will follow a way made by shaded tape along a board to a holder with a bit of pH paper and fluids with differing pH levels. After the paper is plunged into the fluid and the shading changes, the robot will distinguish what shading it is and react in like manner. In the event that the scent is â€Å"foul†, it will decide to splash the deodorizer. The main thing it will be modified to do is to identify the â€Å"foul odor† and to shower the deodorizer, in light of the fact that that is its lone reason. Smell. One of our five detects. It's utilized ordinarily to assist us with increasing a superior comprehension of our environmental factors. In any case, how can it work? Olfaction, or smell, is the recognition of synthetic concoctions in our environmental factors. For people, scents are handled in our olfactory epithelium. We have thousands of qualities that go about as scent receptors. Every one of these qualities go about as a lock, with the scent particles going about as the key. At the point when the right scent particle fits into the olfactory receptor neuron, a sign is sent to our mind, permitting it to decide if the smell is wonderful or shocking. So as to expel the foul scent, our robot will utilize deodorizers. Many air cleansers use removes from plants, organic products, and blossoms. While the historical backdrop of scent goes back millenia to the Ancient Egyptians, numerous present day armoatics are delivered artificially in a lab. There are a wide range of sorts available. One kind of cutting edge deodorizer works like a charcoal or dust channel. They sift through of the air all the noxious particles. Other sorts of deodorizer can assimilate the scent particles. Likewise, some sanitize by eliminating microscopic organisms what's more, germs that occasionally cause the awful scents. Be that as it may, most deodorizers use concealing, presenting a more grounded aroma that people find good, covering out the upsetting scents. For our venture, we will utilize the sort of deodorizer that covers the smell. For our venture, we were going to assemble a robot that would have the option to distinguish such terrible scents and to shower deodorizer in the general region, in this manner covering the undesirable smell. Presently, there is no item available that does such a vocation. In any case, there is one item that can recognize terrible stenches and report the information to the client. It is a halitosis finder made by the Japanese organization Tanita called Fresh Kiss (Tsunoda). It examines gas in ones mouth utilizing a gas

Free Essays on Christian & Islam Not So Different

God; the maker and ruler, who sits on all high is adore from numerous points of view with various convictions. Maybe on the off chance that you investigate intently at certain religions you will find that they are truly not excessively unique. Society frequently envisions that all religions are altogether different, and that no similitudes exist, put aside maybe for the way that some have faith in just a single God. Usually, the conviction that religions are altogether different has driven numerous countries into war, battling for the fastidious strict convictions that may well originate from the equivalent characteristic conviction. Two such religions that have had a lot of consideration recently are Christianity and Islam. In the past with the fear based oppressor assaults of September, 2001, we have seen a lot of spotlight on Islam and furthermore how, in certain areas, Christians are abused and slaughtered due to their confidence. In the accompanying paper we look at the two reli gions, analyzing as we come, delineating that they are not as various as we may might suspect Most importantly, we note that both of these religions are monotheist religions in that the two of them have confidence in one God as the maker and leader of all. It is basic that any conversation of Islam as a solid religion must start with its crucial idea of solidarity of God (Tawhid). In this unique circumstance, it is additionally imperative to take note of that the statement of faith of Islam is straightforward. To turn into a Muslim, one has just to proclaim in genuineness, and ideally within the sight of an individual previously maintaining Islam, 'I affirm that there is none deserving of love however God and that Muhammad is the Prophet of God'. The initial segment of the Muslim statement of faith is a persuasively conscientious dismissal of polytheism for monotheism. It underlies the critical Muslim tenet of perfect solidarity, and has chronicled forerunners in both Judaism and Christianity. It comes up short on the penance of essential Christianity whereby Muslims devotees give penance for each other by supplicate... Free Essays on Christian and Islam Not So Different Free Essays on Christian and Islam Not So Different God; the maker and ruler, who sits on all high is revere from various perspectives with a wide range of convictions. Maybe in the event that you investigate intently at certain religions you will find that they are truly not so extraordinary. Society frequently envisions that all religions are totally different, and that no likenesses exist, put aside maybe for the way that some put stock in just a single God. As a general rule, the conviction that religions are altogether different has driven numerous countries into war, battling for the fastidious strict convictions that may well originate from the equivalent characteristic conviction. Two such religions that have had a lot of consideration of late are Christianity and Islam. In the past with the fear based oppressor assaults of September, 2001, we have seen a lot of spotlight on Islam and furthermore how, in certain districts, Christians are abused and murdered in view of their confidence. In the accompanying paper we look at the two religions, analyzing as we come, showing that they are not as various as we may might suspect As a matter of first importance, we note that both of these religions are monotheist religions in that the two of them have confidence in one God as the maker and leader of all. It is basic that any conversation of Islam as a solid religion must start with its extremely major idea of solidarity of God (Tawhid). In this unique situation, it is additionally critical to take note of that the ideology of Islam is exceptionally basic. To turn into a Muslim, one has just to proclaim in earnestness, and ideally within the sight of an individual previously claiming Islam, 'I affirm that there is none deserving of love yet God and that Muhammad is the Prophet of God'. The initial segment of the Muslim statement of faith is an argumentatively conscientious dismissal of polytheism for monotheism. It underlies the significant Muslim principle of perfect solidarity, and has chronicled precursors in both Judaism and Christianity. It comes up short on the amends of fundamental Christianity whereby Muslims devotees offer reparations for each other by ask...

Crime Control Essay Online For Free - Free Essay Example

What is distinctive about the political ideas underpinning crime control in the past 30 years? Margaret Thatcher famously commented that â€Å"there is no such thing as society† (1987) and in that comment is ample evidence of the Thatcher governments adherence to ‘New Right Realism, arguably the dominant political philosophy underpinning crime control policies throughout the 1980s and 1990s and which continues to be a major influence on criminal justice policy to this day. Walklate explains the concept of Right Realism as a product of governments targeting public expenditure in response to the changing economic climates of the 1970s. It entailed a completely new discussion of how social problems should be dealt with. The shift to this new understanding occurred both in the UK, particularly as a result of the election of the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher, and in the US under the Reagan administration among others. One of the foremost American theorists in the US at the time was criminologist James Q. Wilson. Wilson was President Reagans adviser on crime and argued that crime does not have ‘root causes embodied in the context of individual citizens lives but that people choose to commit crime on the basis of the possible rewards offered (Blake, 2001). Essentially, New Right Realism as a political and criminological philosophy began with Wilson who proposed, in association with George Kelling (1982), the idea that crime is an inevitable result of disorder. They argued that if a window is broken and left unrepaired people walking by will believe that no one is in control and no one cares. This will lead inexorably to more windows being broken and before too long a sense of ana rchy and disorder will develop. This idea became known as the ‘broken windows theory. Young (1983) noted Wilsons rise as an influential figure in the US, but he became even more influential with his association with Richard Hernstein with whom he wrote the book Crime and Human Nature (Wilson Hernstein, 1985). In this book, the authors wrote that crime was disproportionately the preserve of young men living in large cities. Walklate argues that these two authors essentially constructed a criminal personality based on age, sex, body type and personality and that these qualities are presented almost as ‘biological givens. Walklate cites Young (1994) in observing that essentially Wilson and Hernstein concerned themselves primarily with maintaining order rather than necessarily delivering justice. Young comments that such a view is based on Rational Choice Theory which (in its criminological manifestation) refuses to address the causes of crime but instead is concerned wi th its management. Cornish and Clarke (1986) not only supported this notion but went on to describe the actions of the criminal as being based purely on economic motives in which human beings are regarded as being driven by profit motives. Fundamentally this way of thinking was a product of the work of Cohen and Felson (1979) who argue that crime is the product of three factors coming together at a particular time, notably motivation, a victim and a lack of a potential guardian. This then set the pattern for the New Right Realism that was to be adopted in the UK, primarily by the Thatcher government. John Lea (1997) argues that the central task of the Thatcher government was the political and ideological management of the process of destroying the old Keynesian welfare state but that necessarily entailed a deepening authoritarianism throughout society. Essentially Thatcher sought to isolate the problems of the poor from any consideration of state responsibility arguing that peopl e were responsible for themselves. In this context, the welfare state moved from being seen as a system of support to being a source of debilitating passivity which must be replaced by a concept of people acting for themselves and thereby taking responsibility for their own misfortune. Part of this thinking involved the breakup of the trade union movement or at least placing strong restraints on unions ability to interfere with the labour market, local government or to resist the Thatcherite programme. It also meant that society had to be depoliticised so that libertarian politics and free market capitalism remained formed the basis of everyday life in every sector. Crime control was therefore an essential part of this programme (Downes Morgan, 1994). To a certain extent, Lea maintains, a crackdown on crime would have been essential since crime levels had been rising steadily since the 1960s and according to police statistics had doubled in the 1980s. The British Crime Survey (B CS) also indicated such a rise in crime figures. What is important however is that the Thatcher government integrated crime control into political and particularly ideologically-driven thinking since it was considered to be an important element in the drive towards creating the model apolitical citizen advocated by New Right Conservatism. One of the main initiatives in this programme was the Neighbourhood Watch scheme, introduced in 1983. This was an American idea based on the encouragement of ordinary citizens to keep watch on their own areas and report suspicious behaviour to the police. Lea argues that the idea of an ‘active citizen as espoused in the thinking behind the Neighbourhood Watch Scheme, was an essentially middle class concept and this explains why the scheme had little effect on crime, since Neighbourhood Watch systems were set up in middle class areas where there was little actual crime and therefore where they were not actually needed. They were areas where the fear of crime was growing rather than crime itself. Meanwhile, in areas affected by real poverty, in which there was little sense of community, high unemployment and high crime rates such initiatives were actually quite useless, since there often tended to be a sense of active warfare between young people and the police. Local council estates were particularly affected and so local authorities were considered to be the main agents for crime control. A philosophy of ‘dangerousness and ‘risk management began to form the basis for discussion with regard to crime and this led to the idea of poverty and homelessness being breeding grounds for disorder rather than being considered as social problems. Because much of the funding for crime prevention came from central government, the government came to insist that in order to be eligible for funding, local authorities had to coordinate their crime prevention plans with the police. This was little more than an attempt to ensure that political influence was kept to a minimum. While all this was going on the Thatcher government also began to compel local authorities to sell off public housing to those people who could afford to buy their own homes. This meant that the remaining public housing stock was inhabited by the poorest communities in the country and therefore areas in which crime was rife. Central government funding was increasingly restricted and was accompanied by measures to reduce the power of local authorities to vary local taxes. This meant that while local authorities were being asked to become the main agents for crime control they very often found they had limited resources to fund initiatives. Many local authorities concentrated ‘problem families in particular areas and with regards to the physical environment of council estates, a form of ‘architectural determinism, as Lea puts it, began to take over. In essence, a number of theorists began to suggest that particular architectural styles of building could be used as an agent against crime. Much of this was directed towards council estates and one of the most prominent thinkers in this respect was Alice Colman who offered guidance to the Design Improvement Controlled Experiment (DICE) programme of redesign begun in 1990. Lea notes that the idea was to make it harder for criminals to enter and also to escape from these estates but he observes that this has led to an assumption in which a criminal is someone who is essentially an outsider, who needs to be watched and deterred from entry. In practice however, most criminals are locals rather than strangers. A number of critics have condemned these ideas as almost completely ineffective (e.g. Foster, 1983; Osborne Shaftoe, 1995) while according to Rose Gilroy et al (1995) some tenants have complained that the practice of dividing blocks into units and encouraging accompanying gardens merely prepares public housing units for private ownership. It can be seen therefore that the essence of Right Realism is essentially punitive. Montorosso refers to this as ‘popular punitivism and he explains it as something that is based more on emotions and symbolism than on expert-driven penal policy. This lends itself to political advantage (Maruna King, 2004), particularly to those politicians advocating prison as an almost default solution – the ‘prison works idea (Frieberg, 2001). This then tends to diminish criminology by virtue of subordinating criminal policy to tabloid interpretation, something that has been extended by the Labour government through their courting of the media. In essence, high profile cases are allowed to take precedence which then creates a fertile ground for authoritarian responses. In the process the debate is transferred from the realm of criminologists to the public arena, particularly with regard to those who are ‘living in fear and thus demand action (Garland, 1996, Thomas, 2004). Th omas notes that in this climate, the interests of the victim and ‘victim status underpin punitive approaches. Montorosso comments that the Thatcher government maintained a sustained discourse based on a punitive rhetoric characterised by themes of retribution and deterrence and reinforced by a ‘near-unconditionally backed police service. This approach continued to be followed by the Major government. Both administrations argued that crime could not be explained by ‘social conditions, thus following the philsophy of Wilson and Hernstein. To some extent, having also been promulgated by the New Labour governments of Blair and Brown and characterised by the stock phrase ‘tough on crime and tough on the causes of crime, it continues to this day. Some may express surprise that the New Labour government followed their Conservative predecessors, but Montorosso accurately notes that New Labour has regularly been described as ‘popularist and ‘punitively managerialist in nature, drawing attention that after Blairs election over 1000 new offences were created up until early 2005. Indeed, Montorosso comments that the Blair government showed ‘incredible aptitude in its management of ‘message through a policy of focusing public attention on toughness via press conferences, interviews and public meetings. Mackenzie (2008) has suggested that New Labours approach effectively established moral and normative reference points for governance through a media and politically driven focus on the icon of ‘the other, in essence the perceived sense of threat represented by archetypes of the irritant, the outsider and the dangerous. This then provided encouragement and justification for punitive state action and this was further encouraged by the ‘war on terror rhetoric (Loader, 2006). These messages were delivered in a language that was easily understood by the public, particularly via tabloid journalism (Mackenzie). Mont orosso correctly identifies American influence in the policies of the Blair government. He comments that the ‘tough on crime rhetoric has been prevalent in the US since the days of President Nixon with his ‘war on crime of the 1960s, turning into a ‘war on drugs during the Reagan administration of the 1980s. Montorosso observes that this form of discourse is a ‘well entrenched ingredient in American political debate. It formed an important part of President Bill Clintons electoral victory over Michael Dukakis, primarily through the support of George Bush Senior who instituted a negative advertising campaign claiming that Dukakis was ‘soft on crime. Conclusion: Lilly, Cullen and Ball (1995) argue that there is no particular dispensation of conservative politics towards Right Realism but Walklate argues that the obsession with the individual in Right Realist theories lends itself towards such a conclusion in particular social contexts. He argues that in times of economic stress, it is tempting for governments to blame the individual as a means of cutting back public expenditure. Lily, Cullen and Ball critique Wilson and Hernsteins work on the basis that, through viewing criminality in terms of a particular biological disposition, credence is given to the idea that criminals are beyond redemption and therefore worthy of punitive action. Walklate supports this conclusion by arguing that it tends to result in particular policy inconsistencies and even contradictions. Thus Right Realism argues that crime is directly a result of what is ‘real, rather than resulting in changes in reporting practice, policy or the law. It is therefore inher ently political and ideological. This meant that the approach taken by the Thatcher government towards crime control was characterised most notably by its authoritarianism. Rather than moving away from this approach, both the Major and New Labour governments enforced it. New Labour particularly were very effective in managing an authoritarian crime control policy in the style of an almost ‘corporate PR campaign which manipulated and milked public support. This is the distinguishing feature of political involvement in crime control of the past thirty years. An attitude marked by authoritarian penal policy, extensive state support for the police, isolation of poverty stricken areas within the community accompanied by a certain level of ‘demonisation both directly and through the media. Something that hasnt been discussed in this essay but which forms an important part of the authoritarian approach of the past thirty years is the, again American inspired, philosophy of ‘zero tolerance policing. Lea discusses this in his online essay noting that a great deal of support for this idea has been expressed by British police forces. It originated in New York, the brainchild of the NYPD police chief William Bratton (1997) and described by Lea as essentially a more belligerent form of the Wilson-Kelling strategy and involving an aggressive response by police officers towards incidences of disorder and petty anti-social behaviour. As with other forms of punitive penalism, it targeted the poor, particularly street beggars, drinkers and ‘squeegee car washers operating at traffic junctions. Bratton and others claimed it was an effective measure, but the reality is, as Lea points out, that crime rates had been falling in most North American cities for some years previously and therefore had nothing to do with the aggressiveness of police officers. Nevertheless, the UK Home Secretary at the time warmed to the idea enthusiastically despite the fact th at aggressive policing in the UK is hardly new. As Lea points out, such policing tactics were often used to clear young black males from London streets but Chief Constable Charles Pollard of Thames Valley Police has argued that such an approach merely ends up targeting ethnic minorities resulting in potentially explosive situations and actual riots such as that which occurred in Brixton in 1981. As Montorosso notes, punitive approaches are not limited to the UK. Having spread across the globe, originating primarily from the US, such attitudes are now found in many countries across the world. Montoross argues that penal policy should embrace values of safety and freedom from fear but that it should be achieved through a mix of measures including rehabilitation of offenders, developmental or situational crime prevention, socialization and education alongside deterrence and incarceration. However, achieving the right level of balance is not easy but the dangers of getting it wrong t hrough the implementation of an overzealous penal policy means that a state can become, as Montorosso puts it, ‘unduly and unjustly intrusive on the liberty of citizens. References: Blake, A. (2001), Review of Wilsons book Thinking About Crime (published 1975) [Online] Retrieved from: https://www.freeservants.us/thinkcrime.html Bratton, W. (1997), Crime is Down in New York City: blame the police in Dennis, N. (ed.) Zero Tolerance, Policing a Free Society. Choice in Welfare No. 35, London, Institute of Economic Affairs Downes, D. Morgan, R. (1994), ‘Hostages to Fortune? The politics of law and order in post-war Britain, in Maguire, M., Morgan, R. Reiner, R. (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Criminology, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Foster, G. (1993), ‘Housing, Community and Crime: The impact of the Priority Estates Project, Home Office Research and Planning Unit Report No. 131. Freiberg, A. (2001), ‘Affective Versus Effective Justice: Instrumentalism and Emotionalism in Criminal Justice 3(2) Punishment Society 265, 270. Garland, D., (1996), ‘The Limits of Sovereign Power, Strategies of Crime Control in Contemporary Soc iety 36(4) British Journal of Criminology 445, 460. Gilroy, R., Madani Pour, A., Roe, M., Thompson, I. Townshend, T. (1995), ‘Safety, Crime, Vulnerability and Design: An Annotated Bibliography, Department of Town and Country Planning, Newcastle. Lea, J. (1997), ‘From integration to exclusion: the development of crime prevention policy in the United Kingdom, based on a talk given at the University of Barcelona and subsequently published in the Italian journal Polis: Richerche e Studi su Società   e Politica in Italia (Bologna) No 1/99 pp 77-98. [Online] Retrieved from: https://www.bunker8.pwp.blueyonder.co.uk/misc/polis.htm Lilly, J., Cullen, F. and Ball, R., (1995). Criminological Theory: Context and Consequences (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, Inc. Loader, I. (2004), ‘Fall of the Platonic Guardians, Liberalism, Criminology and Political Responses to Crime in England and Wales 46(4) British Journal of Criminology,561, 574-8 Mackenzie, S., (2008), ‘Second-Chance Punitivism and the Contractual Governance of Crime and Incivility; New Labour, Old Hobbes 35(2) Journal of Law and Society 214. Maruna, S. King, S., (2004) ‘Public Opinion and Community Penalties, in Bottoms, A., Rex, S. and Robinson, G. (eds), Alternatives to Prison. Options for an Insecure Society 83, 84. Osborne, S. Shaftoe, H. (1995), ‘Safer Neighbourhoods? Successes and failures in crime prevention, Joseph Rowntree Foundation Thomas, T. (2004), ‘When Public Protection becomes Punishment? The UK Use of Civil Measures to Contain the Sex Offender, European Journal of Criminal Policy and Research 338. Walklate, S., (1998) Undertanding right realism, Walklate, S., Understanding criminology, 34-48, Open University Press Wilson, J. Kelling, G. (1982), ‘Broken Windows: The police and neighbourhood safety, Atlantic Monthly, 29, 38 Thatcher, Margaret (1987), comment made during an interview with Womans Own m agazine, October 31st 1987

An Abusive Relationship Of The Scarlet Letter - 1348 Words

Divorce. If you have left an abusive marriage you are either headed in this direction or are there now. The scarlet letter â€Å"D† is one many do not foresee being attached to their name. It was not a word I ever expected to find attached to mine. Ever. In fact, had you asked me in my younger years if I believed I would ever wear the title of divorcee you would have received a loud resounding no. I would never be one of â€Å"those† people. That would have honestly been my answer. Truly. Taking the step to leave an abusive relationship takes great amounts of courage. Walking away from the aspects of financial security, family for your children, stability (what little may exist), your home and so forth is not an easy decision to make. You make a choice, take that first scary step and trust that if you fall, the pain will be less than the pain you have been experiencing. Oftentimes the pain is not less and in fact, ends up worse than what you left behind. For a woman with children, when the choice is made to leave, there is the new responsibility of solely being the provider for her children in every way possible. Food, shelter, clothing, school needs, all fall on that mama who has chosen to protect her children from the wolf who longs to devour. You see, when you leave an abuser, there is no financial support. There is no co-parenting. There is no concern on the part of the abuser for those children. There is only the need to win. The need to take down the woman whoShow MoreRelatedSocietal Pressure On Love As A Result Of Society s Own Fear1731 Words   |  7 Pagesthe fact that The God of Small Things and The Scarlet Letter were written by different authors and centuries apart, the idea of forbidden love is a central theme that guides not only the plot throughout the novel, but the characters actions as well. 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To what extent can I determine my own destiny Essays

‘To what extent can I determine my own destiny?’ Discuss in the light of theories, ideas and research encountered in the course. Do I act as I do through choice or are my actions influenced by factors beyond our control? This uncertainty has concerned psychologists for decades, consequently giving rise to the Autonomy versus Determinism debate. By definition, autonomy is the belief that we are free to make decisions and thus control all of our actions, however determinism contradicts this view by suggesting that all of our actions are entirely determined by the external and internal forces operating on them. Nowadays It is now commonly documented by most psychologists that it is a combination of both autonomy and determinism that†¦show more content†¦(Stevens3 1996:169) The Langer and Rodin study (1976) (Lalljee 1996:121) based in an American nursing home shows the difference between two groups of elderly residents, those that were given the chance to be autonomous were found that being in control made a critical difference to their well-being and longevity. However the residents that believed their w ell-being was reliant on the nursing staff were found to be less happy and their mortality rate was higher. This highlights the fact that to have a happy life no matter what age we need to be autonomous. Those in favour of determinism believe that behaviour is the product of internal or external forces over which we have no control. As a result, human behaviour is arranged and therefore determined. This idea is similar to that of scientific methods e.g. experiments. In an experiment we have the ability to manipulate the variables, according to determinism all behaviour is causal, by this we sense that the determinist feels we have the opportunity of controlling all human behaviour. Supporting the determinist view is the biological approach, according to biological social psychologists our behaviour is solely determined by our biological systems, they argue that we are genetically determined. Cox and Klinger 1988 (Toates 1996:55)Show MoreRelatedIdealism: Personal Philosophy Essay examples1039 Words   |  5 PagesMy Personal Philosophy There are many philosophies and beliefs that can be acknowledged and discussed in this world. Some made up and some that are supported by straight on evidence. Some most would disagree with and others most would agree with. One thing I strongly believe is that there is no right or wrong belief or philosophy, as long as you have reason to what you are speaking of. You believe what you want to believe. 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Team Leadership free essay sample

One of the key facets of being a good manager is being able to bring people together that have many different personalities, and forge them into a team that works like a well-oiled machine. In the case of my marketing team, including myself I have four personalities, which to work from to put together a marketing team that will work efficiently with one another. The people in my marketing team were analyzed on the Jungian 16-Type Personality test, and the personality types in my group are two ESTJs, one ISTJ, and one ENTJ. These personality types are overall very similar to one another and that fact should make forming an effective marketing group that much easier (University of Phoenix, 2013). The first personality that I will analyze will be I and another person in my group, the ESTJs. ESTJ stands for Extroverted Sensing Thinking Judging, which means that people with my personality type are acute leaders who promote work ethics, responsibility, and standing up for the principles that one holds. ESTJs are particularly well suited for management or political office due to the fact that they make impersonal decisions quickly, and are very good at supervising those under them in order to accomplish goals. One theory that applies particularly well to those who are ESTJs is the collaborative leadership theory, which states that creating and working through strategic alliances and strong partnerships creates leadership roles that allow for great change and work to be accomplished within businesses, corporations, etc. Collaborative leadership is upheld not by formal institutions of leadership or communication, but by a complex web of interpersonal relationships that are essential to the proper functioning of the business. Since ESTJs are very good at making decisions quickly, a trait that is necessary in order to efficiently collaborate, the collaborative leadership theory is a theory that can be easily used to direct ESTJs. The next personality type that is to be evaluated is the ISTJ. Similar to the ESTJ in that the person has a great focus on taking in facts and making logical, clear decisions, the main difference is the way in which the ISTJ communicates to others. Being an Introvert does not necessarily mean that this person is shy; rather, being an Introvert usually just means that interpersonal communication takes more effort and energy to do effectively than Extroverts. ISTJs function on the principle of quantifiable, measurable means of data and actions, and thus are very effective at analyzing situations and processing a decision to be made and held to in a very short amount of time. ISTJs are very determined, and will usually pursue a job or a goal in an effective and efficient manner. When they see other people that do not follow through on their goals or responsibilities as the ISTJ would, this causes the ISTJ to become frustrated, as others inconsistency is something the inhibits their progress. The final personality type in my marketing group is the ENTJ, a personality type that often embodies the traits of leadership that are often looked for in managers. ENTJs are those personalities who become world leaders or powerful people, as they are unequivocal in their resoluteness to accomplish whatever goals are set before them or by them for their own sake. ENTJs are decisive, and have the inborn ability to delegate and assign roles to their peers efficiently, traits that management and leadership laud and constantly search for. In the midst of conflicts, problems, or any other kind of issue that arises before and ENTJ, they remain calm and persistent in their efforts to take care of the problem in a manner that will efficiently close it. The situation in which my marketing team is one where we will need to come together in order to accomplish group goals that will be set by the leader of the group. Since all of the personalities in the group share common characteristics, the TJ part of their personality test, then it would follow that our group will be able to easily and efficiently communicate and work together on these goals. The urgency within the group will be to find and make someone a leader, establish goals, divide and assign labor, and then begin work on those goals. Since all four people in the group could possibly be an effective leader, picking a leader will not be an especially urgent task, as each group member has a personality type that is conductive to being self-motivated and accomplishing tasks that have been set before them. The matter that will be of the most urgency is the division of labor within the group, because one of its biggest strengths, the above-mentioned fact that all members could be possible leaders, is also one of the groups biggest possible weaknesses. Making sure that everyone knows his or her job and that no one bumps over into someone’s work territory will be an important first step for my marketing team to take (University of Phoenix, 2013). Since I have been chosen to take charge of this group, I will use the fact that all of us in the group share the TJ characteristic to being communicating the different duties that will be assigned to each person. By dividing the labor and clearly establishing who needs to do what, and what lines are to be drawn, the members of my group will be able to operate within clear guidelines that all of our personalities tend to crave. Two leadership theories that will be able to be practically applied in this situation will be the theories of relational and collaborative leadership. Relational leadership theory focuses on the importance of the relationships that are established in leadership roles. Making sure that the relationship between me and my co-workers, and my co-workers and themselves is an essential facet of having a successful team. Without the trust and confidence that is given through effective and meaningful relationships, leadership in a group such as this will be difficult to exercise. The collaborative leadership theory applies here because in such a small team, making sure that everyone is collaborating on work is a critical part of making sure that everyone is on the same page. In conclusion, I believe that the teams of people that have been assigned to me as my marketing team are serendipitously set to be a powerful and effective team. As our personality types are congruent and conductive to the kind of work that will be taking place, being a leader among personalities that understand and know leadership qualities will be an interesting and  fulfilling task. The urgency of dividing labor and establishing leadership can be assuaged by applying the leadership theories that have been mentioned, along with the communication and relational focus that is necessary for leadership in this kind of situation. Being a leader in a group of leaders can sometime cause issue, but with time and effort, this group can become a well-oiled work machine that every manager lives to see.